CHAPTER I. The Indictment 3 II. England's First Approach 16 III. Palestine and War Policies 27 IV. England's Original Interpretation 42 V. The Peace Conference 51 VI. The Mandate 79 VII. The Colonial Office Takes Hold 101 VIII. The League Takes Hold 118 IX. The "Crystallization" Process 145 X. We Rest Our Case 160 APPENDIX I. The Great Adventure II. The Churchill White Paper 173 III. The Mandate for Palestine 183 IV. A Defense of the Mandate V. Balfour's Protest VI. The Home Land Claim 221 VII. The Passfield white Paper 238 VIII. Winston Churchill's Views 286

The choice of Paris for the historic Peace Conference was an afterthought. The Anglo-Saxon governments first favored a neutral country as the most appropriate meeting-ground for the world's peace-makers. Holland was mentioned only to be eliminated without discussion, so obvious and decisive were the objections. French Switzerland came next in order, was actually fixed upon, and for a time held the field. Lausanne was the city first suggested and nearly chosen. There was a good deal to be said for it on its own merits, and in its suburb, Ouchy, the treaty had been drawn up which terminated the war between Italy and Turkey. But misgivings were expressed as to its capacity to receive and entertain the formidable peace aimies without whose co-operation the machinery for stopping all wars could not well be fabricated. At last Geneva was fixed upon, and so certain were influential delegates of the ratification of their choice by all the Allies, that I felt justified in telegraphing to Geneva to have a house hired for six months in that picturesque city.

The following “Intimate Papers of Colonel House”, Volumes 1 – 4  provide a close-up   view of history in the making, written by President Wilson’s alter ego,  Col. Edward M. House.  The Colonel’s role in Presidential decision-making would affect not only the future of the United States but the rest of the world, to this very day.

The following “Intimate Papers of Colonel House”, Volumes 1 – 4  provide a close-up   view of history in the making, written by President Wilson’s alter ego,  Col. Edward M. House.  The Colonel’s role in Presidential decision-making would affect not only the future of the United States but the rest of the world, to this very day.

The following “Intimate Papers of Colonel House”, Volumes 1 – 4  provide a close-up   view of history in the making, written by President Wilson’s alter ego,  Col. Edward M. House.  The Colonel’s role in Presidential decision-making would affect not only the future of the United States but the rest of the world, to this very day.

The following “Intimate Papers of Colonel House”, Volumes 1 – 4  provide a close-up   view of history in the making, written by President Wilson’s alter ego,  Col. Edward M. House.  The Colonel’s role in Presidential decision-making would affect not only the future of the United States but the rest of the world, to this very day.

This remarkable book published by the American Jewish Committee will appeal to WWI history buffs and those interested in the plight of the Jews during that tragic conflagration.  The following excerpt provides just a taste of what is to be found within the covers of this book: 24 THE JEWS IN THE EASTERN WAR ZONE Count A. Bobrinski, a Conservative member of the Imperial Council, declared, in a statement to the editor
of the "Dehn" :*
"The conservative members of the Imperial Council raised no objection whatsoever against the recent Government measure granting permission to the Jews to reside outside of the Pale . I believe that we shall have to become accustomed to the idea of
seeing the Jews dwell in all parts of Russia after this war is over .There can be no return to the old conditions. "The necessities of the war must lead us also to sanction future
concessions toward the Jews whenever the need thereof will be recognized by the Government in order to be able to place a Government loan in America."

Once more the world stands at the edge of war. It is, therefore, of the greatest interest in judging events today and their probable results, to study the period immediately before the World War. It cannot be denied that at that time the central figure in the whole world was the German Kaiser and he occupies that place in this extraordinary book of Mr. Viereck. Of course I knew the Kaiser personally. He was possessed of much charm and a nimble brain. He loved to appear in the martial array of the Black Hussars with the skull and cross bones in the front of his busby; but that did not mean that he loved war . Perhaps he felt as Marshal Foch once told me that war was "a dangerous adventure ." Shortly after the outbreak of the war von Gwinner (now deceased) head of the great Deutsche Bank, confided to me that, at the last minute, the Kaiser had refused to sign the declaration of war, but that the officers of the General Staff, threatening to break their swords over their knees, had forced him to consent.

No comment can enhance the poignancy or add to the significance of the tale. Its story illuminates, as no other episode in the ghastly annals of Bolshevism has done, the real nature of the forces that have ruined Russia, and that still hold her in their bloody and tyrannical grip . It makes clear the purpose for which Germany originally sent Lenin and his Jewish confederates into Russia, and shows how thoroughly that purpose was achieved. Incidentally it places the characters of, the late Emperor Nicholas and of the Empress Alexandra in a new light, and proves them to have been loyal to the Allies even unto death. It clears them of many foolish and of some foul aspersions, and while it reveals at once their strength and their weakness, their folly and their virtues, brings home to the guilty the guilt for their death .

The original two volumes of "The Life and Letters of Walter H . Page," published in 1922, were incomplete in one important respect. They contained only a very few of the Ambassador's letters to President Wilson. Page was a careful correspondent in that his writings represented his completely reasoned views on the great events that comprised his daily life, but he was a careless one in failing to preserve the record he had so conscientiously made. Sometimes he would finish a letter at a single sitting; more frequently he would work industriously until mailing time and hurriedly thrust the product into the diplomatic bag-no eyes having seen it except his own. In preparing his biography, therefore, it was necessary to assemble the letters from many sources. With the exception of the few of which copies had been made, Page's correspondence with the President was not placed at the disposal of his biographer. Mr. Wilson's death has removed the prohibition upon the publication of these letters. At the same time the State Department has consented to a selection from Page's war-time telegrams. These Presidential letters and telegrams-omitting, of course, those already published-form the basis of the present volume.

A Report for THE CLUB OF ROME'S Project on the Predicament of Mankind.---Out of this meeting grew The Club of Rome, an informal organization that has been aptly described as an "invisible college." Its purposes are to foster understanding of the varied but interdependent components-economic, political, natural, and social-that make up the global system in which we all live; to bring that new understanding to the attention of policy-makers and the public worldwide ; and in this way to promote new policy initiatives and action.

"BRAINY and plus that - nervy. That is a two-word picture of Felix Frankfurter, Byrne Professor of Administrative Law at Harvard Law School, the man behind the men behind the President of the United States." This is the opening paragraph of a thumb-nail sketch in the March 1934, number of the "American Magazine," which goes on to say : "It is said in Washington that you can't go around a corner without running smack into Frankfurter-taught bright young men. They are the former pupils of the square-jawed, quick-as-a-trigger Doctor of Laws. "He has been for a long time on very close terms with President Roosevelt. Backed him during his governorship and worked with him during his Presidential campaign . A noted liberal in domestic affairs and referred to as `slightly left-wing' in the legal school of thought.

These lectures-or lessons, since they are now being put out in a correspondence form through Study Clubs-are designed to expose the economic, social and political fallacies of Socialism which are commonly designated under a variety of names such as "Communism," "Liberalism," "Internationalism," "Pacifism," "Atheism," etc. These lectures do not pretend to exhaustively cover the subject but instead are designed to furnish a basis for additional study and reading, or for quick reference for writers and speakers.

This old globe is now belted with battle, in the greatest war that ever was or ever can be, to settle the problem of the brotherhood of man and of nations.--- When the smoke shall have cleared away, there will be a new day for the whole world, and a new meaning to Christian brotherhood, as there will be a brotherhood of nations for the first time in human history.--- In the future, national disorder must not be allowed anywhere in the world, for it leads tointernational disorder.--- The idea that Mexico is a land to be exploited by foreign princes passed away with Maximilian. The idea that it is to be exploited for the benefit of the United States must soon go by the boards, if it has not already gone.--- What is wanted is a clear path to extend help to Mexico - Mexico in its normal disorder, moral, social, financial, and political.--- As a student of the war and human progress, I went to Mexico to study the oil situation. I came back with something more important - "The Mexican Problem ."

The preparation of this manuscript was inspired by an increasing similarity between the methods and objectives of the New Deal, as they could be assembled into a completed pattern from the public utterances and undertakings of the new bureaucracy, and the program devised by Marx, Engels, Lenin and their lesser disciples to accomplish world "revolution." That some of the final objectives of Mr. Roosevelt and his confederates have to be inferred, in the absence of candid admissions, is no less convincing than categorical evidence since the inferences are inescapable. But there is also an abundance of categorical evidence to prove conclusively the New Deal purpose to attain a socialized state and the abolition of the private ownership of property.

OUR AMERICAN HERITAGE Turning back the pages of the past, we see an interesting and colorful panorama. As the result of economic pressure in the old lands or because our forefathers craved the right to think their thoughts and live their lives according to the dictates of their own consciences, they braved the terrors of a sea that was still little known and came to this land determined to establish here homes for themselves and their children. With few exceptions they refused to be turned back. They were ready to endure every privation, to face boldly every peril. With such motives and such a purpose they could not fail to conquer. And they did conquer. The first real test they faced was one with nature, that nature that can be so implacable and cruel in one mood and so alluring and disarming in another. Landing on the Atlantic coast they began to cut out of the dense forest, land upon which to build their crude cabins and from which to get food and clothing for their needs. They subdued nature, they fought back the Indians and generation after generation their roots sunk more deeply into the soil of the new land.

Khruschev's educational reforms.

THE CASE OF OTTO OTEPKA IS WITHOUT PARALLEL IN AMERICAN HISORY. Echoes of the Billy Mitchell trial haunt the record, and indeed there is a disquieting resemblance between General Mitchell's futile effort to alert the nation to impending danger before World War II and Otepka's muted warnings in the 1960s. Mitchell, however, was never placed under criminal charges and certainly no one ever accused him of violating the Espionage Act.--- One must flash back to the fin de siecle in France and the ordeal of Alfred Dreyfus to find an affair even roughly comparable in any of the Western democracies. A few columnists have, in fact, fleetingly drawn this analogy between Otepka and Dreyfus. Yet despite striking similarities in what these two men were subjected to by the ruling elite of their respective governments, there remain essential differences between both the historical setting and the separate circumstances which confronted each of them.

A time came when the only people who had ever been free began to ask : What is freedom? Who wrote its articles-the strong or the weak? Was it an absolute good? Could there be such a thing as unconditional freedom, short of anarchy? Given the answer to be no, then was freedom an eternal truth or a political formula? Since it was clear to reason that freedom must be conditioned, as by self-discipline, individual responsibility and many necessary laws of restraint ; and since there was never in the world an absolute good, why should people not be free to say they would have less freedom in order to have more of some other good?

" WE DO NOT ASK FOR MUCH. AN UNDERSTANDING AND CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE FATHERLAND AND OF NATIONAL UNITY; OF THE FAMILY, THE PRIMARY SOCIAL UNIT; OF AUTHORITY AND OF OBEDIENCE TO AUTHORITY; OF THE SPIRITUAL VALUES OF LIFE AND OF THE RESPECT THAT IS OWING TO MAN; OF THE OBLIGATION TO LABOUR; OF VIRTUE AND OF THE SACRED NATURE OF RELIGION- THAT IS WHAT IS ESSENTIAL IN THE MENTAL AND MORAL FORMATION OF A CITIZEN OF THE ' ESTADO NOVO'.

THE U.S. BOMBING OF THE Hanoi-Haiphong area of North Vietnam that began on December 18, 1972, was a classic example of a military initiative designed to achieve a political objective . It was also one of the most passionately criticized American actions in that controversial war . The views of supporters of the "Christmas bombing," as it came to be known, were rarely carried in the print or electronic media. In sharp contrast, the New York Times, the Washington Post, Time, Newsweek, and the three commercial TV networks-the "prestige press"-both lavishly reported the outburst of opposition to the bombing and reinforced it with critical and sometimes scathing editorial comment . This criticism by the prestige media was an extension of their sustained hostility to both President Nixon and the Vietnam War . The Paris peace talks between National Security Adviser Henry Kissinger and Hanoi's Le Duc Tho had suddenly accelerated in October 1972, when it appeared that an agreement was in sight . Difficulties had then arisen in Saigon, and the negotiations were resumed in November . Then, in December, just when the American side felt that an acceptable agreement had been hammered out, Hanoi hardened its position, and by December 13 the peace talks had become stalemated.

THE STEERAGE OF THE NEW MAYFLOWER 3 THE SHATTERING OF SECURITY 9 THE REVOLUTION OF NIHILISM IS UNIVERSAL 23 THE VERY HEART OF THIS WAR 33 THE SEAFARING DEMOCRACIES 41 PART TWO HITLER'S TECHNIQUE AGAIN 63 THE NEW SOCIAL BASIS 83 THE UNSEEN REVOLUTION 107 THE ASSIMILATION OF THE REVOLUTION 129 LEVIATHAN 163 THE REDEMPTION OF DEMOCRACY 177 THE MYSTERY OF INIQUITY 195 THE "FINEST HOUR" 229

On the day when this book was ready for the press, Nazi Germany invaded Russia. The attack, as Vice-Premier Viacheslav Molotov charged, was wholly unprovoked. Stalin had appeased Hitler and supported Hitler's cause with unflagging and demonstrative energy. For twenty-two months the Communist International and its endless open and clandestine extensions had preached defeatism to the French, immediate negotiated peace to the British, anti-Yankee sentiments to the Latin Americans, rigid isolationism to the people of the United States . The communist "line" for America had been indistinguishable from the Nazi line : non-intervention in European affairs, promotion of strikes in defense industries, class and group hatreds and the rest. That line was hastily and clumsily reversed within a few hours after the blitzkrieg was unloosed against Stalin's country. Yesterday's "imperialist" and "plutocratic" war was magically transmuted into a people's war for freedom and justice . Conscription, national armaments, aid to Britain were mysteriously sanctified in a flash for all American Stalinists, whether acknowledged or disguised.

IT should not be necessary to apologize for yet another volume on socialism. True, much has been written on both sides, and publication assuredly will continue until such time, if it ever comes, when socialism will be an assured fact or will be relegated to the limbo where peacefully rest for all time other theories of life that, too, had their outspoken defenders, other philosophies that in their day, like socialism to-day, made their appeals to the hearts and minds of men.

An underground political history of the United States from 1918 to the present time showing how close the government is to collapse and told in an understandable way.---ONE of these days the inarticulates of the qualified American electorate are going to awaken from their lethargy and find voice. When they do they are going to get sufficiently aroused to go to the polls on an election day and in a strikingly emphatic manner repudiate every politician afflicted with liver complaint, softening of the brain or flexibility of the spine. The result of this will be a new quality of leadership, patterned after an old one once revered ; distinguished for intestinal stamina, frankness and dependability, and exemplified in word and deed by such men as Washington, Lincoln, Webster, Harrison, Cleveland, McKinley, Knox, Sherman, etc., etc.

One morning last autumn, while I stood at my study window watching maple leaves make burnished swirls in the wind, and pondering some ancient lore, I was surprised to see Dr. Robert Smyth and his wife Susan drive up my lane. They had come to my home with friends on several occasions in the late afternoon for free-for-all conversations about things in general. At such times we had all been accustomed to frank and direct speech. In this relation with the Smyths I had learned that they were well informed about many matters and had a lively interest in public affairs. I had also found that they were both vigorous personalities, forthright in expressing their opinions, and that the Doctor had a tendency to flare up when he did not like things that were said. But all such encounters had been mere neighborly pastimes after the day's work was over, and the Smyths had never broken into the precious hours of my mornings.

"I am gratified to learn that Mr. Josef Washington Hall (Upton Close), the well known and adventurous explorer, observer, and writer is prepared to tell us something about the extraordinary movements in Asia which promise to change the whole aspect of world relationships. He has proved himself to be a careful and acute observer of Asiatic life, and I receive with interest this analysis of the present situation." ROLAND S . MORRIS, Former U. S. Ambassador to Japan

Written in 1944 this small booklet says that the revolution has already happened and tells us how. It explains the details of how America went from a Constitutional Republic to a socialist state transferring the real power from the citizen to the government. Thanks are due to Caxton Printers and the late Shirley Correll, brilliant writer and researcher, and great American, for reprinting this booklet in her Summer Issue 2001 of the Florida Forum.

THIS BOOK IS IN NO SENSE A BIOGRAPHY OF FRANKLIN D. Roosevelt. It is rather a critical account of that episode in American politics known as the New Deal. As to the President, it is an account of an image projected upon the popular mind which came to be known as Franklin D. Roosevelt. It is the author's conviction that this image did not at all correspond to the man himself and that it is now time to correct the lineaments of this synthetic figure created by highly intelligent propaganda, aided by mass illusion and finally enlarged and elaborated out of all reason by the fierce moral and mental disturbances of the war . The purpose of this book, therefore, is to present the Franklin D . Roosevelt of the years 1932 to 1945 in his normal dimensions, reduced in size to agree with reality. The war played havoc with history-writing after I940. Not only did a great curtain of secrecy come down upon performers in the drama of the war, but their portraits and their actions were presented to us through the movies, the radio and the press upon a heroic scale as part of the business of selling the warriors and the statesmen and the war to the people. Their blunders and their quarrels were blotted out of the picture. Only the bright features were left. The casual citizen saw them as exalted beings moving in glory across the vast stage of war, uttering eloquent appeals to the nation, challenging the enemy in flaming words, striding like heroes and talking like gods.

Roosevelt Is But the Fruit of a Movement A study of the personnel and program of the radical Conference for Progressive Political Action, that group of Bolshevik-minded men who have been working effectively for years to socialize America by legislation and propaganda and who are backing President Roosevelt, whether they label themselves for convenience "New Deal Democrats" or "Progressive Republicans" ; a study of the program of the Communist Manifesto, the "Bible" of Communism-Socialism, and its rules for communizing a State, written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1848 ; a study of the Socialist and Communist Party platforms compared with New Deal legislation and achievements ; a study of the Red affiliations of Mrs. Roosevelt and of the New Deal appointees of the President ; a study of the use of Government funds for the purpose of aiding the Red cause and stifling opposition-these studies will convince any ntelligent person that America is facing a crisis in its history.

This is a very interesting internal account of an Englishman who was well connected with the Romanov family and Tsar Nicolas himself, during the end of their rule and prior to their execution during the Bolshevik Revolution.

HOW I BECAME A SECRET AGENT " O Jerum, jerum, jerum, quemotatio rerum ." Half past three was heard booming from some clock tower on the twelfth day of June, 1913, when Mr. King, the Liberal representative fromSomerset, was given the floor in the House of Commons. Mr. King proceeded to make a sensation. He demanded that McKinnon Wood, the House Secretary for Scotland, reveal to the House the secrets of the strange case of Armgaard Karl Graves, German spy. A brief word of explanation may be necessary. Supposed to be serving a political sentence in a Scotch prison, I had amazed the English press and people by publicly announcing my presence in New York City. Mr. King asked if I was still undergoing imprisonment for espionage ; if not, when and why I was released and whether I had been or would be deported at the end of my term of imprisonment as an undesirable alien. Permit me to quote verbatim from the Edinburgh Scotsman of June 12, 1913 : The SECRETARY FOR SCOTLAND replied -Graves was released in December last. It would not be in accordance with precedent to state reasons for the exercise of the prerogative. I have no official knowledge of his nationality. The sentence did not include any recommendation in favor of deportation.

This book is mostly about Jews ; it is not against the Jews. These painstaking researches have been made in order to rewrite- history "with conscience ;" as Lamartine urged, as Washington Irving admonished . The results are presented to the thinking public to enlarge its intelligence, not its prejudice. The book should appeal to Jew and Gentile alike, that they may join hands in purging society of its enemies, be they Jewish plotters or Gentile participants; each group more contemptible than the other according to the point of contemplation.

CONTENTS: I. BEGINNING OF THE WILSON ADMINISTRATION AND THE QUESTION OF PANAMA CANAL TOLLS 1 II. MEXICO 12 III. BEGINNING OF THE WORLD WAR 25 IV. THE LUSITANIA 32 V. QUESTIONS OF NEUTRALITY 64 VI. THE COMING of WORLD WAR POLICIES 73 VII. THE COMING OF PEACE 96 VIII. THE QUESTION OF CONSISTENCY 129 IX. THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS 146 X. THE LEAGUE AND THE SENATE-THE VOTES AND THE DEBATE 178

Mr. Geoffrey Dawson persuaded All Souls College to give me leisure, in 1919-1920, to write about the Arab Revolt. Sir Herbert Baker let me live and work in his Westminster houses. The book so written passed in I92I into proof: where it was fortunate in the friends who criticized it. Particularly it owes its thanks to Mr. and Mrs . Bernard Shaw for countless suggestions of great value and diversity: and for all the present semicolons. It does not pretend to be impartial . I was fighting for my hand, upon my own midden. Please take it as a personal narrative pieced out of memory . I could not make proper notes : indeed it would have been a breach of my duty to the Arabs if I had picked such flowers while they fought. My superior officers, Wilson, Joyce, Dawnay, Newcombe and Davenport could each tell a like tale. The same is true of Stirling, Young, Lloyd and Maynard : of Buxton and Winterton: of Ross, Stent and Siddons: of Peake, Hornby, Scott-Higgins and Garland: of Wordie, Bennett and Maclndoe: of Bassett, Scott, Goslett, Wood and Gray: of Hinde, Spence and Bright: of Brodie and Pascoe, Gilman and Grisenthwaite, Greenhill, Dowsett and Wade: of Hender son, Leeson, Makins and Nunan. And there were many other leaders or lonely fighters to whom this self-regardant picture is not fair. It is still less fair, of course, like all war-stories, to the un-named rank and file: who miss their share of credit, as they must do, until they can write the despatches.

I write this Foreword for the American edition as I have revised this book, to the accompaniment of the physical and mental horror of modern warfare . The wailing of air-raid sirens, the thud of guns, the vicious zooming of war-planes, the earth-trembling explosion of bombs which, as all the world knows, are at this moment a daily (and nightly) part of existence in Southeastern England. From this peaceful Deanery garden, bright with summer flowers and secluded behind the ancient city wall, little children, one moment happy at their work and play, have seen the falling bombs. Terror stricken they have flung themselves to the ground and then fled, as others did centuries ago, to the sanctuary of the Crypt of this great and lovely Cathedral.

Gen. Vasiliev, (Soviet Rep. To UN Military Staff Committee, 1947-50) assigned to N.Korea in command of Chinese Communists, reportedly gave order to attack S. Korea.

This is a very interesting account of Marilyn Monroe's life and death. It delves into those she befriended and their use of her for their own purposes, including covert activities and links to the Communist Party.

This book is not a history of Europe nor of Rumania nor even of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, but rather the memoirs of one man who has been a witness and a participant in the events which, for hundreds of millions of people, have turned a century so full of promise into an eternity of suffering and slavery . From the first days of the Russian Revolution, this man understood the terrible danger which the Soviet regime represented not only for his own country but also for Europe and the entire world. From that time, his political thinking and activities were unswervingly directed by a growing consciousness of this danger and by the necessity, to which circumstances made him particularly obligated, to inform or to fight those in his nation who were, or pretended to be, blind to the magnitude and the imminence of this peril.

"Democracy has no more persistent or insidious foe than the money power, to which it may say, as Dante said when he reached in his journey through Hell the dwelling of the God of Riches, `Here we found Wealth, the great enemy.' That enemy is formidable because he works secretly, by persuasion or deceit, rather than by force, and so takes men unawares. He is a danger to good government everywhere.

On the 12th of September 1905 a group of young men met together in lower Manhattan, New York. Conditions in America were not ideal. These young men had an ideal. Consciously or not, it had been borrowed from the social structures of the Old World.--- The meeting took place in a loft above Peck's Restaurant, at 140 Fulton Street. Among the group were some who in later years were to become widely known for views which at that time were the catalyst bringing them together.---On that day nearly sixty years ago was organized the Intercollegiate Socialist Society.

THE collection, selection, and organization of the material and the writing of the text of this survey are the joint product of Walter Lippmann, William O. Scroggs, and Charles Merz, the collaboration being carried out under the direction of Mr. Lippmann, with the advice and concurrence of the Research Committee of the Council on Foreign Relations . The committee has not attempted, however, to influence the result. The authors have been left wholly free to present their arguments and state their conclusions in their own way. Two objectives have been held in view-research and timeliness. If the authors had deliberated longer the fruits of their research would have been more mature, but the time would also have passed when they would be most useful. Events press the public and government relentlessly. We believe this book to be a contribution to the understanding of many current problems, financial and political, for which solutions must be found forthwith. First-hand observations and personal contacts with leaders here and abroad are reflected in the balanced judgments of the authors no less than in the marshaled facts upon which their conclusions rest. The sources include not only books but individuals and documents not generally accessible to students of international affairs. Interviews with statesmen in European capitals and Washington have played a part, and there are also interwoven the direct observations of the authors at the Disarmament Conference at Geneva and the Imperial Economic Conference at Ottawa. The results we believe to be of value, to a puzzled world. For the Research Committee ISAIAH BOWMAN, Chairman

This is a story about the underground battles regarding whether the U.S. would be dominated by Catholicism or Protestantism. Told in more of a civilian form it should prove to be of a historically societal interest to the reader.

The world debt crisis of 1983, and the steps proposed to solve it - or shift the unpleasantness to someone else - are rooted in a sequence of events dating back to 1944, and involving institutions and practices far removed from the experience of the ordinary citizen. The nature of today's problem, however, can be understood by any intelligent citizen in possession of a few fundamental facts.

"At the start of 1951 you could have bought the good will of our airline for a thousand dollars," said one of the Board of National Airlines. "Today you could not buy it for millions ."--- A feud which had lasted years, caused one of the longest strikes in airlines history, and was about to cause another one "was brought to a screeching halt as the result of Moral Re-Armament." So says W. T. "Slim" Babbitt, vice-president of the Air Line Pilots Association of America (ALPA). Two men were at the heart of this feud . One was Babbitt himself, the other G. T. Baker, president of National Airlines. "We were two deadly enemies," says Slim Babbitt. Baker is tough and square, a man who has fought his way up from the ground to the top of a large industrial enterprise.--- He was born in the Middle West with little in his pocket, but with a passion for flying in his heart. He began operating a one-man air service between Chicago and some of the Southern states. Then he moved to Florida and painfully, steadily, resolutely built up the enterprise known as National Airlines. It was a struggle every inch of the way, and in that struggle Baker became ruthless.

I must warn my readers that this is no record of hero worship. Ribbentrop, I believe, is typical of our times, or rather of a particular aspect of our times. But I do not cherish this aspect . It would not matter very much if this were merely a personal like or dislike, for nobody would then be concerned save myself and perhaps my immediate circle. But disagreement with Ribbentrop's diplomatic performances and his way of life seems to be widespread. Surely one day, my fellow sufferers, and these include more than half the world, will set up a tribunal, one of whose functions will be the just punishment of Ribbentrop, the criminal. There is more than a good chance that he will not be rewarded with social success, in years to come, in the air conditioned comfort of some picturesque Elba or St. Helena . If my book contributes anything to prevent such an idyll, I am content.

WWII writings by americans out of China. This book is the product of two minds, and almost all the chapters are the result of the closest collaboration between the two authors. Sometimes only one of us was present to observe and report the events noted, and in such cases the first person singular in a few chapters refers to Theodore H.White. We wish to thank many people for their aid in reading, editing, and preparing this manuscript for publication . Among those who have assisted most are Jack Belden, Robert Machol, Margaret Durdin, Nancy Bean, Carol Whitmore, and Gladys White, who have helped enormously in weeding out the errors in the book. Such errors as may remain and the conclusions and opinions expressed here are, however, our responsibility. We wish further to acknowledge our thanks to Time Incorporated for permission to reproduce material and portions of dispatches that we sent to them in our capacity as staff correspondents . The opinions and conclusions of this book are, however, the opinions and conclusions of the two authors and in no sense reflect the policy or opinions of Time Incorporated . We also thank the Associated Press for permission to reproduce its first dispatch announcing the attack on Pearl Harbor. The maps for this book have been graciously prepared by Frank Stockman, Anthony Sodaro, and Allan McNab. T.H.W. and A.J. August 15, 1946

There is a great and growing mass demand in this country to know just what is the Communist party and its program. The masses of toilers, suffering under the burdens of the crisis, are keenly discontented and want to find a way out of their intolerable situation. They are alarmed at the depth, length and general severity of the crisis. They begin to realize that "there is something rotten in Denmark," that there are fundamental flaws in the capitalist system . Their growing realization of this is further strengthened as they see the spectacular rise of Socialism in the Soviet Union. The masses are beginning rightly to sense that Communism has an important message for the human race, and they want to know what it is. Capitalism is deeply anxious that the masses do not get this message. Hence, from the outset it has carried on a campaign of falsification of the Russian revolution entirely without parallel in history. There has been a veritable ocean of lies in the capitalist press against the U.S.S.R.

Charles Augustus Lindbergh, Jr.,twenty-months old son of Colonel and Mrs. Charles A. Lindbergh, was kidnapped from his crib in the Lindbergh home at Hopewell, New Jersey, on March 1, 1932. The abduction has been characterized as the "most abhorrent crime of all time." The kidnappers have been called "Public Enemy No. 1 of the United States of America." The abduction shocked the world. Its effect reached the furthest corners of this and every other nation. The authors have tried to tell the "true story of the Lindbergh kidnapping." If the present effort serves the purpose of telling as much of the story of the crime as is pertinent and interesting, its purpose will have been achieved. J.B. and E.R. New York, 1932.

The speeches delivered at the Seventh Congress of the Comintern, and the motions there and then adopted, clearly delineated the international position of Communism today.---It is now easy to trace the windings of the spiral-shaped action that has been developing for the last eighteen years, and ever since gaining more strength and power to impel the world towards further confusion. The basis of that spiral is the scheme of international relations.

THE PRESIDENT : In accordance with your wish, I have had compiled a record of our relations with China, special emphasis being placed on the last five years. This record is being published and will therefore be available to the Congress and to the people of the United States. Although the compilation is voluminous, it necessarily covers a relatively small part of the relations between China and the United States. Since the beginning of World War II, these relations have involved many Government departments and agencies. The preparation of the full historical record of that period is by no means yet complete. Because of the great current interest in the problems confronting China, I have not delayed publication until the complete analysis could be made of the archives of the National Military Establishment, the Treasury Department, the Lend-Lease Administration, the White House files and many other official sources. However, I instructed those charged with the compilation of this document to present a record which would reveal the salient facts which determined our policy toward China during this period and which reflect the execution of that policy . This is a frank record of an extremely complicated and most unhappy period in the life of a great country to which the United States has long been attached by ties of closest friendship. No available item has been omitted because it contains statements critical of our policy or might be the basis of future criticism. The inherent strength of our system is the responsiveness of the Government to an informed and critical public opinion.---It is precisely this informed and critical public opinion which totalitarian governments, whether Rightist or Communist, cannot endureand do not tolerate.

THE CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS MONDAY, JULY 9, 1945 UNITED STATES SENATE, COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, Washington, D . C. The committee met, pursuant to call, at 10 : 30 a. m., in the caucus room, Senate Office Building, Senator Tom Connally, chairman . Present : Senators Connally, George, Wagner, Thomas of Utah, Murray, Green, Barkley, Guffey, Tunnell, Hatch, Hill, -Lucas, Johnsonn of California, Capper, La Follette, Vandenberg, White, Austin, and Wiley. Also present : Numerous other Senators, not members of the committee, including Senators Burton, Hart, Millikin, Brooks, McClellan, Radcliffe, McMahon, Ball, and Ellender ; and Congressman Sol Bloom. The CHAIRMAN. The committee on Foreign Relations will please come to order. We hope that the audience will be as quiet as possible, so that the witnesses may be heard. On last Monday, President Truman submitted to the Senate the Charter of the United Nations Organization, which was adopted by 50 nations at San Francisco. The President made a stirring speech, and I desire to insert at this place in the record the address of the President, together with a copy of the Charter. (The documents referred to are as follows: ADDRESS BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES DELIVERED BEFORE THE SENATE ON JULY 2, 1945, PRESENTING THE CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS, WITH THE STATUTE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COURT OF JUSTICE ANNEXED THERETO

The testimony of Mrs. Catherine P. Baldwin before the U.S. senate regarding the unconstitutional signing of the UN Charter by the United States in 1945.

Hard-to-find N.Y. Times article dealing with text of conversation between Ambassador April Glaspie and Saddam Hussein prior to his invasion of Kuwait. Glaspie in as much as said "Go ahead" when she told Hussein "But we have no opinion on the Arab-Arab conflicts, like your border disagreement with Kuwait."

This most important Issue #289 of the Committee to Restore the Constitution's BULLETIN, entitled "Should the United States Participate and Encourage Development of the UN Organization", July 1986, contains proof positive of Soviet/Communist control over not only the UN in general, but of UN wars, in particular. It provides documentation that the no-win Vietnam War in which 109,000 U.S. soldiers died, was a UN War, fought due to the U.S. obligation under the South East Asia Treaty Organization (SEATO). How many well-meaning, pro-UN. anti-Vietnam War Americans are aware of this important bit of history?

IF ANY CITIZEN of this country has the right to stand up and say: "I told you so"-it is Douglas Miller. He began warning his fellow-Americans about the threat of Nazism long before Hitler came to power. At that time it was like crying in the desert. Even as late as June, 1941, just six months before Hitler declared war on us, there were many who were skeptical of his book published that month, You Can't Do Business with Hitler. That excellent book was addressed primarily to American businessmen, whom Mr. Miller had served so well (though few of them realized it) during fifteen years in the United States Embassy in: Berlin. In a preface to the book he wrote: "There is one group in America which has not been adequately brought face to face with the facts. I mean American businessmen."

The purpose of this publication is a limited one : merely to present as complete and up-to date a picture as possible of the constructive work of Fascism from its advent to power to this day.--- The compiler of this book has purposely refrained from evincing considerations of a general nature, making only an exposition of positive facts and figures which, in their simplicity are better suited to reveal the depth and extension of the transformation operated by Mussolini in every field of national life.

Self-Direction vs. The System

*Novosti Press Agency is a front of the KGB used for disinformation. It was founded in 1961 to replace Cominform (Communist Information Bureau) Working directly under Agitrop and the KGB, Novosti Press Agency is the biggest propaganda and ideological subversion organization of the U.S.S.R.

RUSSIA, embracing the greater part of Europe and stretching into Asia, is unlike any European people, or for that matter, any other race, for the territory alone suggests the extent of the government's domination. Throughout its history, great changes took place, and, in the past, the only power which the monarchy held over the people when conditions became unbearable was a series of beatings with a knout, and putting down sporadic insurrections by the use of soldiers, secret police, incarceration and exile. And yet, conditions were such through the greater part of Russia's history, perhaps from the fifteenth century on, that the government never had full control of the empire and as time went on, a seething undercurrent gained momentum.

FreeRepublic.com published this superb collection of quotes related to the subversion of our constitutional system of government and America's traditional value system espoused by all Americans of all nationalities and races up until very recently. What a valuable resource for speakers, writers, and just plain Americans when searching for documentation of outright subversion of the one nation which has provided refuge for millions of people fleeing totalitarian systems, seeking the good life.